During this interval Heraclides of Byzantium had arrived at the camp with instructions from Antiochus to negotiate a peace. He had been under the impression that when once the Romans had set foot in Asia they would, without a moment's delay, advance against the royal camp, and their remaining by the Hellespont made him very sanguine of obtaining favourable terms. Heraclides, however, decided that he would not approach the consul till he had interviewed P. Scipio, and indeed such were the king's instructions. His hopes rested mainly on him, for Scipio's greatness of soul and the consciousness that he had enough of glory made him most gentle and considerate. All the world, too, knew what he had been when victorious in Spain and in Africa, and there was also passforsure the fact that his son had been made a prisoner and was in the king's hands. As to where or when or by what mischance he had been taken prisoner the authorities differ as they do in most other matters. Some assert that it was at the beginning of the war when he was intercepted by the king's ships on his voyage from Chalcis to Oreum; others say that after the landing in Asia he was sent with a troop of Fregellan cavalry to reconnoitre towards the king's camp, and that when a large body of cavalry galloped out to meet him, he retreated and in the confusion fell from his horse and with two other troopers was overpowered, and under these circumstances was brought to the king. It is generally admitted that the youth could not have been treated and courted with greater kindness and generosity even if peace with Rome still prevailed and the personal ties of hospitality between the king and the Scipios had remained unbroken. For these reasons the envoy waited for Scipio to come, and on his arrival he approached the consul and asked him to grant him an audience that he might deliver his instructions.
[37.35]A full council assembled to hear what he had to say. The purport of his speech was as follows: "Many embassies have passed to and fro on the question of peace, and have been fruitless; I entertain strong hopes of gaining it from the very fact that those negotiators gained nothing. For the difficulty in former discussions was the position of Smyrna, Lampsacus, Alexandra Troas and the European city of Lysimachia. Of these Lysimachia has already been evacuated by the king, so that you cannot say that he holds anything in Europe. He is prepared to give up those which are in Asia, and any others in his dominions which the Romans wish to claim on the ground that they are on the side of Rome. He is also prepared to pay half the cost of the war." These were the proposed conditions of peace. In the rest of his speech he advised the council to remember the uncertainty of human affairs, to make a moderate use of their own good fortune, and not treat the misfortunes of others oppressively. Let them limit their dominion to Europe, even that was an immense empire; it was easier to extend it by single acquisitions than to hold it together in its entirety. If, however, they wanted to annex some part of Asia, provided it was defined by clearly ascertained boundaries, the king would, for the sake of peace and concord, allow his own sense of moderation and equity test king to give way before the Roman greed for territory. These arguments in favour of peace, which the speaker thought so convincing, the Romans regarded as so much trifling. They considered it only just that the king, who was responsible for starting the war, should bear the whole cost of it, and that his garrisons should be withdrawn, not only from Ionia and Aeolis, but from all the cities in Asia, which should be as free as all the liberated cities in Greece, and this could only be effected if Antiochus surrendered all his Asiatic possessions west of the Taurus range.
[37.36]The envoy came to the conclusion that, as far as the council was concerned, he was not obtaining any reasonable terms, and in accordance with his instructions he tried what he could do with Scipio in a private interview. He began by telling him that the king would restore his son without ransom, and then, ignorant alike of Scipio's character and Roman usage, he held out to him the offer of an enormous bribe if he obtained peace through his instrumentality, and also a full share in the sovereign power, with the sole exception of the royal title. Scipio replied: "Your ignorance of the Romans as a whole, and of me in particular to whom you have been sent, is the less surprising when I see that you are ignorant of the situation of the man from whom you have come. You ought to have held Lysimachia to prevent our entering the Chersonese, or else you ought to have opposed us at the Hellespont to prevent our passing into Asia, if you intended to ask for peace from us as from those who were anxious about the issue of the war. But now that you have left the passage into Asia open and have accepted not only the bit but the yoke as well, what room is there for any discussion on equal terms, since you will have to submit to our sovereignty? I shall look upon my son as the greatest gift which the king's generosity could bestow; as to his other offers, I pray heaven my circumstances may never be in need of them, my mind at all events never will. In my public capacity as representing the State I will neither take anything from him nor give him anything. What I can give now is sincere advice. Go and tell him in my name to abandon hostilities and accept any terms of peace that may be offered." These words did not influence the king in the least, he regarded his chances in war as quite safe, and this too at the very time when terms were proposed to him as though he were already vanquished. For the present, therefore, he dropped all mention of peace, and devoted all his care to preparing real exams for war.
[37.37]The preparations for carrying out his plans being now completed, the consul broke up his camp and advanced to Dardanus and then on to Rhoeteum, the inhabitants of both cities coming out to meet him. He then marched to Ilium, and after fixing his camp in the plain below the walls, he went up to the citadel, where he offered sacrifices to Minerva, the tutelary deity of the place. The Ilians did their utmost to show by their words and deeds the pride they felt in the Romans as their descendants, and the Romans were delighted at visiting their original home. A six days' march from there brought them to the source of the Caicus. Here Eumenes joined them. He had intended to take his fleet back from the Hellespont into winter quarters at Elea, but the wind was against him, and for several days he was unable to round the Cape of Lectos. Anxious not to miss the opening of the campaign he landed at the nearest point, and with a small body of troops hurried on to the Roman camp. Here he was sent back to Pergamum to expedite the delivery of supplies and, after seeing the corn handed over to those appointed by the consul to receive it, returned to the camp. The king's camp was near Thyatira. When he heard that Scipio was detained at Elea by illness he sent some of his officers to escort his son back to him. The boon was not only grateful to the father's feelings, but it helped also towards his recovery. After embracing his son to his heart's content, he said to the escort: "Take back word that I thank the king; I cannot now show my gratitude in any other way than by advising him not to go down to battle before he learns that I have returned to camp." Although his 60,000 infantry and 12,000 or more cavalry made the king hope at times for success in the battle, Antiochus was swayed by the authority of the man on whom, in view of the doubtful issue of the war, he had rested all his hopes of support, whatever might betide him. Withdrawing beyond the river Phrygius he encamped in the neighbourhood of Magnesia ad Sipylum, and in case the Romans should attempt to force his lines while he was waiting, he surrounded his camp with a fosse six cubits deep and twelve wide, and outside the fosse he threw up a double rampart, on the inner edge he constructed a wall flanked at short intervals with turrets, from which the enemy could be easily prevented from crossing the fosse.
[37.38]The consul was under the impression that the king was at Thyatira, and he marched for five successive days till he came down into the Hyrcanian plain. When he heard that Antiochus had moved from there he followed in his track, and encamped on the western bank of the Phrygius at a distance of four miles from the enemy. Here a force of about 1000 cavalry mostly Gallograeci, together with some Dahae and mounted archers from other tribes, made a tumultuous rush across the river and charged the Roman advanced posts. At first, as they were unprepared, there was some confusion, but as the battle went on and the numbers of the Romans grew with the reinforcements from the camp close by, the king's troops, wearied and outnumbered, endeavoured to effect their retreat across the river. Before they entered the stream, however, a considerable number were killed by their adversaries, who were in close pursuit. For the next two days all was quiet, neither side making any attempt to cross the river. On the third day the whole of the Roman army crossed in a body, and formed Certify me camp about two and a half miles from the enemy. Whilst they were measuring out the area of the camp and busy entrenching it, considerable alarm and confusion were created by the approach of a picked force of 3000 infantry and cavalry. Those forming the advanced guard were much fewer in number, but they maintained a steady resistance by themselves, not a single soldier being called away from the working-parties in the camp, and as the fighting progressed they repulsed the enemy, after killing 100 of them and taking 100 prisoners. For the next four days both armies stood in front of their ramparts drawn up for battle; on the fifth day the Romans advanced into the middle of the plain, but Antiochus made no forward movement, his front lines remained in position less than a mile from their rampart.

And now both fleets were everywhere in action. On the side of the Romans eighty ships were engaged, twenty-two of which were Rhodian vessels. The enemy fleet numbered eighty-nine, and of the largest classes of ships they had three with six tiers of oars and two with seven. The Romans were far superior in the stoutness of their ships and the bravery of their men; the Rhodians equally had the advantage in the handiness of their vessels, the skill of their helmsmen, and the training and discipline of the oarsmen. But they created the greatest alarm among the enemy by their fire-ships; the one thing which saved them at Panhormus proved here also the most effective means of victory. When the king's ships swerved aside through fear of the flames, they were unable to ram the hostile ships with their beaks, and at the same time laid themselves open to be struck on the side; any ship that did close with another was covered with the fire poured upon it, and they were thrown into greater confusion by the fire than by the actual fighting. Still, as usual, the Certifyme fighting power of the soldiers was the main factor in the contest. The Romans broke through the enemy's centre, and then working round they attacked from the rear the ships which were engaged with the Rhodians, and in a very short space of time Antiochus' centre and the ships of the left division were being surrounded and sunk. Those on the right, as yet intact, were more alarmed at the defeat of their comrades than at any danger which threatened them. But when they saw their other vessels in the midst of the enemy ships and Polyxenidas deserting his fleet and fleeing with all sails set, they promptly hoisted their topsails, as the wind was favourable for those making for Ephesus, and took to flight, after losing forty-two ships in the battle, thirteen of which fell into the enemy's hands, the rest being either burnt or sunk. Two Roman ships were complete wrecks, several were damaged. One Rhodian vessel was captured through a remarkable accident. On ramming a Sidonian vessel the blow shook the anchor out of the ship on to the prow of the other, which it held with its fluke as though with a grapple. In the confusion which followed the Rhodians backed water to get clear of the enemy, but the anchor chain dragged, and becoming entangled with the oars, swept off all those on one side of the ship. Thus weakened it was captured by the very ship which had been rammed and made fast to it. Such, in its main features, was the sea fight at Myonnesus.
[37.31]Antiochus was now thoroughly alarmed. Driven from the mastery of the sea, he despaired of being able to defend his distant possessions and, adopting a policy which events subsequently proved to be a mistaken one, he withdrew his garrison from Lysimachia to prevent its being cut off by the Romans. It would not only have been easy to defend Lysimachia against the first attack of the Romans, but the place could have stood a siege through the whole winter and this check would have reduced the besiegers to sore straits for provisions. Meantime there might have been some opportunity for coming to terms and securing peace. Nor was Lysimachia the only place which he gave up to the enemy after his naval defeat; he also raised the siege of Colophon and retired to Sardis. From here he sent to Cappadocia to ask help from Ariarathes, and to every place where he could possibly collect troops. His one fixed object now was to decide matters on the battlefield. After his victory Regillus Aemilius sailed to Ephesus and formed his ships in line before the harbour. When he had thus forced from the enemy a final admission of their renunciation of sea power he sailed to Chios, whither he was directing his course before the naval battle. Here the damaged ships were repaired, and as soon as this work was finished he sent L. Aemilius Scaurus to the Hellespont with thirty ships to convey the army across. By way of an honourable distinction he gave the Rhodians a share of the plunder and also the spoils of the naval battle, and then told them they might go home. Before doing so they took an active part in transporting the consul's troops, and not till this task was completed did testking they return home. The Roman fleet sailed from Chios to Phocaea. This city lies in the innermost part of a bay; it is oblong in shape and the walls enclose a space of about two and a half miles, then it narrows on either hand like the sides of a wedge. The apex of the wedge is called Lamptera. Here the town has a breadth of twelve hundred paces and from it a tongue of land stretches seaward like a straight stroke almost through the centre of the bay. Where it approaches the narrow mouth of the bay it forms two excellent and perfectly safe harbours, facing in opposite directions. The one which looks north is called Naustathmon from its affording anchorage for a large number of ships; the other is close to Lamptera.
[37.32]When the Roman fleet had occupied these perfectly sheltered harbours the praetor thought it advisable, before he laid regular siege to the place, to make overtures to the magistrates and leading men of the city. When he found that they were bent upon resistance he commenced his attack from two different points. One quarter contained but few private buildings, a considerable space being occupied by temples, and he brought up the rams at this part first and began to batter the walls and towers. When the citizens had collected here for its defence the rams were brought up against another section, and now the walls were being laid in ruins in both directions. After they had fallen the Roman soldiers began to fight their way over the ruins, but the townsmen offered such a determined resistance that it was clear they found more help from their arms and courage than from their walls. At length the risk to which his men were exposed compelled the praetor to sound the retire, as he was unwilling to expose them heedlessly to an enemy maddened by despair. Though the actual fighting was put a stop to, the defenders did not even then allow themselves any rest, they assembled from all quarters to repair and strengthen what had been laid in ruins. Q. Antonius, who had been sent by the praetor, appeared amongst them while they were thus engaged, and after censuring their obstinacy pointed out that the Romans were more anxious than they were that the struggle should not end in the destruction of their city; if they were willing to desist from their madness they would have it in their power to surrender on the same terms as they had formerly obtained from C. Livius. On hearing this they asked for a five days' armistice in which to deliberate, and meantime they tried to find out what prospect of help there was from Antiochus. The envoys they had sent to the king brought back word that they must not look for any support from him, and on this they at last opened their gates after stipulating that they should not be treated as enemies. After the praetor had announced his wish that those who had surrendered should be spared, and whilst the standards were being borne into the city, shouts of protest were raised everywhere amongst the troops, who were furious at the Phocaeans, who had never been loyal allies but always bitter enemies, getting off with impunity. At this cry, as though the praetor had given the signal, the men ran off in all directions to sack the city. At first Aemilius tried to stop them and call them back by telling them that it was captured and not surrendered cities that were sacked, and even in the case of these the decision rested with the general, not with the soldiers. When he saw that passion and greed were too strong for his authority, he sent heralds through the city with orders to summon all free men into the forum where they would be safe from injury, and so far as his authority extended he kept his word. He restored to them their city, their lands and their laws, and as winter was now approaching he selected the harbours of Phocaea for the winter quarters of his fleet.
[37.33]Meantime the consul who had marched through the districts of Aenus and Maronea received intelligence of the defeat of the king's fleet at Myonnesus and the evacuation of Lysimachia. The latter piece of intelligence gave him greater gratification than the former, at all events when they arrived there, for they found the city packed with pass4sure supplies of every description as though these had been prepared against the arrival of the army, for they had been looking forward to having to endure the extremes of toil and hunger during the siege of their city. The consul remained encamped here for some days to allow time for the baggage to come in and also the sick who, worn out by illness and the length of the march, had been left in all the fortified towns of Thrace. When all had been taken in they resumed their march through the Chersonese and arrived at the Hellespont. Here, thanks to King Eumenes, every preparation had been made for the passage, and they went on board the ships which had been drawn up at the different points and crossed over without hindrance or opposition as though to friendly shores. The Romans had expected this to be the occasion of a severe contest, and they were in high spirits when they found the way to Asia open to them. They remained in camp at the Hellespont for some time, as the holy days during which the Ancilia were borne in procession happened to fall during their march. These days enjoined special religious duties on Publius Scipio as one of the Salii, and kept him apart from the army, consequently their advance was delayed till he rejoined them.

Accordingly he commenced the siege of the city in regular form; his lines were extended equally in two directions down to the sea; on both sides he carried the agger and the vineae up to the walls and the battering-rams with their shelters were placed in position. Appalled at these dangers the people of Colophon sent to L. Aemilius at Samos to implore him for his own honour and the honour of Rome to come to their assistance. Aemilius was chafing under his protracted inactivity at Samos, the last thing he was expecting was that Polyxenidas, after being twice challenged by him in vain, would give him an opportunity of fighting. He also felt it a humiliation to be tied and bound to the assistance of besieged Colophon whilst the fleet of Eumenes was helping the consul to transport his legions to Asia. Eudamus, who had kept him at Samos, now with all the other officers urged him to go to Colophon. They pointed out how much more satisfactory it would be to relieve their friends or inflict a second defeat upon a fleet which had been worsted once, and so 9L0-620 wrest the command of the sea from the enemy, than it would be if he were to abandon his allies, desert his proper sphere of action by sailing to the Hellespont and so leave Asia at the mercy of Antiochus both by sea and land.
[37.27]As their stores were all consumed, the Roman fleet left Samos with the intention of sailing to Chios to get supplies. This island was a Roman granary and all the transports from Italy directed their course thither. Coasting round from the city to the opposite side of the island which looks north towards Chios and Erythrae, they were on the point of sailing across when the praetor received a despatch informing him that a large quantity of corn from Italy had reached Chios, but that the vessels laden with wine had been detained by storms. At the same time a report was brought to the effect that the Teians had furnished the king's fleet with liberal supplies and had promised to give them 5000 jars of wine. Aemilius was now half-way across, but he at once diverted his course to Teos with the intention of making use of the provisions prepared for the enemy, with the consent of the townsmen, or if not, prepared to treat them as enemies. As they were steering for the land some fifteen ships came into view off Myonnesus. The praetor thought at first that they were part of the king's fleet and began to pursue them, then it became evident that they were piratical barques and cutters. They had been plundering along the coast of Chios and were returning with booty of every description. When they saw the fleet they took to flight and owing to their vessels being lighter and built especially for the purpose and also because they were nearer the land, they outsailed their pursuers. Before the Roman fleet got near them they made their escape into the harbour of Myonnesus and the praetor, hoping to force their ships out of the harbour, followed them though he was unacquainted with the locality. Myonnesus stands on a headland between Teos and Samos, the point itself is a conical-shaped hill running up from a fairly broad base into a sharp peak. It is approached from the land side by a narrow path, and shut in from the sea by cliffs, which have been so worn away at their base by the waves that in some places the overhanging rocks project beyond the ships lying at anchor beneath them. The Roman ships did not venture close in lest they should be exposed to attacks from the pirates on the overhanging cliffs, but lay near the enemy through the day. Just before nightfall they abandoned their fruitless task and the next day arrived at Teos. After the ships had been drawn up in the Geraesticum - a harbour behind the city - the praetor sent out his men to plunder the surrounding country.
[37.28]When the Teians saw this devastation going on before their eyes they sent a deputation, wearing suppliant emblems, to the Roman commander. In reply to their protestations of innocence as to any hostility in either word or deed against the Romans, he charged them with having assisted the enemy with whatever supplies they needed, and told them 9L0-621 how much wine they had promised to Polyxenidas, and that if they would furnish the Roman fleet with the same quantity he would recall his soldiers from their raid. On the return of the deputation with this stern reply the townsmen were summoned by the magistrates to an assembly that they might consult as to what they should do. Polyxenidas meantime had heard that the Romans had moved from Samos and, after chasing the pirates to Myonnesus, had anchored their ships in the harbour and were plundering the Teian district. He proceeded with the king's fleet from Colophon and, without betraying his movements, cast anchor at an island opposite Myonnesus - the seafaring men call it Macris - on the very day, as it happened, that the Romans reached Teos.
From his position near the enemy he found out what they were doing, and was at first in great hopes of defeating the Romans by the same maneuver as that by which he had worsted the Rhodian fleet at Samos, namely by blocking the mouth of the harbour. The situation was much the same, the harbour is so shut in by the converging headlands that it is difficult for two ships to come out abreast. Polyxenidas intended to seize these headlands during the night and, after stationing ten ships off each to make a flank attack on the enemy vessels as they came out, he was going to land the troops from the rest of his fleet, as he had done at Panhormus, and overpower the Romans on sea and land alike. His plan would have succeeded but for the movements of the Roman fleet. As the Teians had undertaken to comply with the praetor's requirements it was thought more convenient, for the purpose of taking the supplies on board, to move into the other harbour in front of the city. Eudamus also, it is stated, drew attention to the disadvantages of the first harbour after two ships had smashed their oars by fouling one another in the narrow entrance. A further consideration which weighed with the praetor and induced him to change his moorings, was the danger which threatened him from the land, as Antiochus had his standing camp at no great distance.
[37.29]When the fleet had been brought round to the city, the sailors and soldiers went ashore to obtain for each ship its share of the provisions, and especially of the wine. Not a single man was aware of the proximity of Polyxenidas. Towards midday a countryman was brought before the praetor, and reported that a fleet had been lying in front of the island of Macris for two days, and that a few hours ago some of the vessels looked as if they were preparing to sail. The praetor was considerably alarmed at this unexpected intelligence, and ordered the trumpeters to sound the assembly, so that those who were dispersed over the fields might come back, whilst the military tribunes were sent into the city to hurry the soldiers and sailors on board. The disorder was just like that caused by an outbreak of fire or the capture of a city: some were running into the city to recall their comrades, others were running out of the city to rejoin their ships, and amidst confused orders, wild shouting, and the braying of the trumpets, there was a general rush to the ships. Hardly anyone could make out his own ship or get near it for the tumult, and the confusion might have been attended with serious danger both on sea and land had it not been for the prompt action of the praetor. Leaving Eudamus to conduct his own operations, Aemilius led the way out of the harbour into the open sea, and meeting each ship as it came up, assigned its place in the line. Eudamus with his Rhodians remained along shore, in order that they might embark without confusion and each ship sail out as soon as it was ready. Thus the first line was formed under the praetor's eye, the Rhodians brought up the rear, and the combined fleet sailed out to sea in battle formation, as though the enemy were actually in sight. They were pass for sure between Myonnesus and the point of Corycus when they got their first view of the enemy. The king's fleet, which was advancing in a long column, two ships abreast, also deployed into line and extended its left far enough to be able to envelop the Roman right. When Eudamus saw this, and realised that the Romans could not make their line equal in length to that of the enemy, and that their right would be enveloped, he speeded up his ships, which were by far the swiftest in the whole fleet, and after extending his line as far as the enemy's, placed his own vessel opposite to that of Polyxenidas.

Phaselis is situated on the confines of Lycia and Pamphylia and stands on a headland jutting out into the sea. It is the first land visible to ships sailing from Cilicia to Rhodes, and affords an extensive view seawards. This position was selected mainly because it lay on the route of the enemy fleet. One thing, however, had not been foreseen. Owing to the unhealthiness of the locality and the season of the year - it was midsummer - and also in consequence of a strange and mysterious smell, there was a great deal of sickness, especially among the men at the oars. Alarmed at the spread of this epidemic they sailed away and passing the Pamphylian Gulf anchored off the mouth of the Eurymedon. Here they were informed by messengers from Aspendus that the enemy were at Sida. The progress of the king's fleet had been retarded by the Etesian winds, which blow from the N.W. at a fixed season. The Rhodian force consisted of thirty-two quadriremes and four triremes; the king's fleet numbered thirty-seven vessels of larger build; amongst them were three hepteres and EX0-101 four hexeres. There were in addition to these ten triremes. They, too, discovered from an observation post that the enemy were not far off. On the morrow, as soon as it was light, the two fleets left their anchorage, prepared to fight on that day. As soon as the Rhodians had rounded the point which projects into the sea from Sida, both fleets came at once in sight of each other. The left division of the king's fleet which stood out to sea was under Hannibal's command, the right under that of Apollonius, one of the court nobles, and they already had their ships in line. The Rhodians came on in a long column, Eudamus' ship leading, Chariclitus closing the rear and Pamphilidas commanding the centre. When Eudamus saw that the enemy were in line and prepared to engage, he too put out to the open sea and signalled to the ships which followed to move into line as they came up, keeping their order. This at first led to some confusion as he had gone sufficiently far out to sea to allow of all the ships coming into line towards the land, and in his extreme haste he had only five ships with him when he met Hannibal, the rest were not following, but were, as ordered, getting into line. On the extreme left there was no further room towards the land, and they were still in confusion when the fighting began on the right with Hannibal.
[37.24]But the excellence of their vessels and their own practiced seamanship took away all fear from the Rhodians in a moment. Each ship in turn steered towards the open sea and so allowed room on the land side for the one which followed it, and whenever any of them closed with an enemy vessel with its beak foremost, it either tore a hole in its prow or sheared off its oars, or else, where it found a clear way through the line, it passed it and attacked its stern. What caused the greatest alarm was the sinking of one of the hepteres at a single stroke by a much smaller Rhodian vessel; and on this, the right division were showing unmistakable signs of preparing for flight. Hannibal, on the other hand, in the open sea, was closing with a large number of ships on Eudamus, and in spite of the Rhodian's superiority in all other respects, would have hemmed him in had not the signal which is customarily used to call a scattered fleet together been given from the commander's ship. All the ships which had won the day on the right immediately rushed to their comrades' help. Now it was Hannibal and the ships round him which took to flight; the Rhodians, however, were unable to pursue them as most of the rowers were out of health, and therefore more quickly tired. Whilst they were recruiting their strength with food as they lay on the water, Eudamus from the turret of his ship was watching the enemy as they employed their open ships to tow away the damaged and crippled ones, not much more than twenty getting away uninjured. He called for silence and then said, "Come and feast your eyes on a wonderful sight." They all got up, and after watching the hurried flight of the enemy exclaimed, with almost one voice, that they ought to follow them up. Eudamus' own ship had been repeatedly struck, so he ordered Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to go in pursuit as far as they could do so with safety. 9L0-006 They kept up the chase for a considerable time, but when Hannibal drew near the land they were afraid of being wind-bound off the enemy shores, and so they returned to Eudamus with the captured heptere which had been struck in the beginning of the battle, and with some difficulty they succeeded in towing it to Phaselis. From there they sailed back to Rhodes, not so much delighted at their victory as angry with one another because they had not sunk or captured the whole of the hostile fleet, when it was in their power to do so. So deeply did Hannibal feel this one defeat that though he was very anxious to join the king's fleet as soon as he could, he did not venture to sail beyond the coast of Lycia, and to prevent him from being at liberty to do this the Rhodians sent Chariclitus with twenty ships of war to Patara and the harbour of Megiste. Eudamus received instructions to return to the Romans at Samos with seven of the largest vessels out of his fleet and use all the influence he possessed and every argument he could employ to induce the Romans to take Patara.
[37.25]The news of the victory followed by the appearance of the Rhodians caused much rejoicing amongst the Romans; it was quite evident that if the Rhodians were relieved from that cause of anxiety they would make all the seas in that part of the world safe. But the departure of Antiochus from Sardis and the danger of his seizing the cities on the coast forbade their abandoning the defence of the shores of Ionia and Aeolis. Consequently, they sent Pamphilidas with four ships to reinforce the fleet off Patara. Antiochus had been busy collecting contingents from all the cities round him, and had also sent a letter to Prusias the king of Bithynia. In this despatch he bitterly complained of the Roman expedition to Asia; they had come, he wrote, to deprive them all of their crowns so that there might be no sovereignty but that of the Romans anywhere in the world; Philip and Nabis had been reduced to submission; he, Antiochus, was to be the third victim; like a spreading conflagration they would envelop all, as each lay nearest to the one already overthrown. Now that Eumenes had voluntarily accepted the yoke of servitude, it would be but a step from Antiochus to Bithynia. Prusias was much perturbed by this letter, but any doubts or suspicions which it might have created were set at rest by a letter from the consul and still more so by one from the consul's brother, Africanus. In this letter he showed how it was the uniform practice of the Roman people to enhance the dignity of their royal allies by bestowing every honour upon them, and quoted instances of his own policy in order to persuade Prusias to show himself worthy of his friendship. The chieftains whom he had taken under his protection in Spain he had left with the title of kings; Masinissa he had established on his throne and on that of Syphax, who had expelled him, as well, and now he was not only by far the most prosperous monarch in Africa, but the peer in greatness and power of any monarch in the world. Philip and Nabis, who had been enemies and whom T. Quinctius had conquered, had still their thrones left them; in the case of Philip even the payment of tribute had been remitted during the past year, his son who had been a hostage was restored to him, and he had been allowed to recapture some cities outside Macedonia without any interference from the Roman generals. Nabis, too, would have retained his honour and dignity had not his own madness and the treachery of the Aetolians proved fatal to him. Such was the tenor of Africanus' communication. What did most to determine the king's attitude was a visit from C. Livius, the late commandant 9L0-619 of the fleet. He came on a special mission from Rome and made the king understand how much more certain the prospect of victory was for the Romans than for Antiochus, and how much more inviolable and secure his friendship would be in their eyes than in those of the king.
[37.26]Now that he had lost all hope of securing Prusias as an ally, Antiochus left Sardis for Ephesus in order to inspect the fleet which had been fitted out and in readiness for several months. It was the impossibility of offering an effective resistance to the Roman army with the two Scipios in command rather than any naval successes in the past or any well-grounded confidence he felt at the time which made him interest himself in his fleet. For the moment, however, there were some things to encourage him. He had learned that a large part of the Rhodian fleet was at Patara and that Eumenes had gone with all his ships to the Hellespont to meet the consul. The destruction of the Rhodian fleet at Samos, as the result of treachery, also did something to raise his spirits. These considerations led him to send Polyxenidas with his fleet to try the chances of battle at all hazards, whilst he himself led his forces to Notium. This place belongs to Colophon and is about two miles distant from it and overlooks the sea. He wanted to get Colophon itself into his power, for it was so near Ephesus that he could take no action by sea or land which was not visible to the people of Colophon who at once informed the Romans. When once the Romans heard that Notium was besieged he felt sure that they would bring up their fleet from Samos to help their ally, and this would give Polyxenidas his opportunity.

Aemilius invited Eumenes over from Pergamum and held a council, at which both Eumenes and the Rhodians were present. The Rhodians were not disinclined for peace, but Eumenes said that no peace proposals could be honourably entertained at that moment, nor could any final settlements be made. "How," he asked, "shall we, beleaguered and shut within our walls, listen with honour to any terms of peace? Or who will regard any peace settlement as valid if made without the consent of the consul, the authority of the senate and the order of the people of Rome? I put this question to you - If peace be made through you, are you going to return at once to Italy and carry away your army and your fleet, or will you wait to learn what the consul thinks, what decision the senate comes to, what order the people make? It remains, then, that you must stay in Asia and, all active operations suspended, your troops must be sent into winter quarters to drain the resources 1Y0-456 of your allies by the requisitions of your commissariat. And then, if the supreme powers so decide, we must begin the war all over again, whereas, if our strong offensive were in no way slackened or hampered by delay, we could have brought it to a close, if the gods so willed it, before winter sets in." This argument prevailed, and Antiochus was told that, till the consul arrived, there could be no discussion of the terms of peace. Finding his efforts to procure peace fruitless, Antiochus proceeded to devastate the lands of the people of Elea and then those belonging to Pergamum. Here he left Seleucus and continued his march with the intention of attacking Adramytteum, till he reached the rich district known as the "Plain of Thebe," celebrated in the poem of Homer. In no other locality in Asia was a greater amount of plunder secured by the king's troops. Aemilius and Eumenes, sailing round with their fleet, also appeared before Adramytteum as a protection to the city.
[37.20]At this juncture a force despatched from Achaia, numbering 1000 infantry and 100 cavalry, approached Elea. On their landing they were met by a party sent by Attalus to conduct them to Pergamum. They were all veteran troops with war experience, and under the command of Diophanes, a pupil of Philopoemen, the foremost Greek general of his day. Two days were devoted to resting the men and horses, and also to keeping the enemy's advanced posts under observation and ascertaining at what points and at what hours they came on and went off duty. The king's troops made it a practice to advance up to the foot of the hill on which the city stands. In this way they acted as a screen, and the plundering parties behind them were not interfered with, as none came out of the city, not even to attack the advanced posts with missiles at long range. After the citizens had been once cowed by defeat they shut themselves within their wall, and the king's troops looked upon them with contempt and became careless. A great many did not keep their horses either saddled or bridled; a few were left standing to arms, while the rest were dispersed all over the plain, some betaking themselves to games and sports, others feeding under the shade of the trees, some even stretched in slumber.
Diophanes observed all this from Pergamum on the hill, and ordered his men to arm themselves and be in readiness at the gate. He then went to Attalus and told him that he had made up his mind to attack the enemy. With very great reluctance Attalus gave his consent, for he saw that he would have to fight with 100 cavalry against 600 and 1000 infantry against 4000. Diophanes went out from the gate and took up a position not far from the enemy's advanced posts and waited his opportunity. The people of Pergamum looked upon it as madness rather than courage, and the enemy, after keeping them under observation for some time, and seeing no movement of any kind, became careless as usual, and even ridiculed the smallness of their opponents' force. Diophanes made his 9L0-402 men keep quiet for a while, then, when he saw that the enemy had broken up their ranks, he gave the infantry orders to follow as rapidly as possible, and putting himself at the head of his troop of cavalry, charged the enemy's detachment at full speed, infantry and cavalry alike shouting their battle-cry. The enemy were thrown into a state of panic, even the horses were terrified and broke their halters, creating confusion and alarm amongst their own men. A few were not scared, and stayed where they were tethered, but even these the riders did not find it an easy task to saddle and bridle and mount, for the Achaean troopers were creating an alarm and terror out of all proportion to their numbers. The infantry, coming up in their ordered ranks, prepared for battle, attacked a foe carelessly scattered and almost half asleep. The whole plain was covered with the bodies of the slain, and men were everywhere fleeing for their lives. Diophanes kept up the pursuit as long as it was safe, and then retired to the shelter of the city walls, after winning great glory for the Achaeans, for the women as well as the men had watched the action from the walls of Pergamum.
[37.21]The next day the king's advanced posts, in better order and more careful formation, entrenched themselves half a mile further from the city, and the Achaeans went out about the same time and to the same place as on the previous day. For several hours the two sides were on the alert, as though in expectation of an immediate attack. When the hour for returning to camp came, just before sunset, the king's troops massed their standards and withdrew in order of march rather than of battle. As long as they could see him Diophanes kept quiet, then he charged the rear of the column as furiously as he did the day before, and again created such confusion and panic that, though they were being cut down from behind, no attempt was made to halt and face the enemy. They were driven to their camp in great disorder, with their ranks almost completely broken up. This dashing exploit of the Achaeans compelled Seleucus to remove his camp from Pergamene soil. On learning that the Romans had gone to protect Adramytteum, Antiochus left that city alone, and after ravaging the lands of Peraea, a colony from Mitylene, he carried the city itself by assault. Cotton, Corylenus, Aphrodisias and Prinne were taken at the first attempt. He then returned by way of Thyatira to Sardis. Seleucus remained on the coast, a terror to some and a protection to others. The Roman fleet in company with Eumenes and the Rhodians sailed to Mitylene, and from there to their base at Elea. They left that place for Phocaea and brought up at an island called Bacchium, opposite the city, which was rich in works of art. On a former occasion they had spared the numerous temples and statues, but now they treated them as enemy property and plundered them. Then they sailed across to the city and after distributing the troops at different points of attack they commenced the assault. It seemed possible that it might be taken by escalade without the usual siege machinery, but after a contingent of 3000 men which Antiochus had sent for its defence had entered the city, the attack was at once abandoned and the fleet withdrawn to 9L0-509 the island without accomplishing anything beyond the devastation of the country round the city.
[37.22]It was now decided that Eumenes should go home and make the necessary preparations for the passage of the consul and his army across the Hellespont, whilst the Roman and Rhodian fleets returned to Samos, and remained stationed there to prevent Polyxenidas from moving out of Ephesus. Here M. Aemilius the praetor's brother died. After the funeral honours had been paid, the Rhodians set sail for Rhodes with thirteen ships of their own, one quinquereme from Cos and one from Cnidus. They were to take up their station there in order to be ready for the fleet which was reported to be coming from Syria. Two days before Eudamus arrived with the fleet from Samos, a squadron of thirteen ships, together with four which had been guarding the coast of Caria, had been despatched from Rhodes under the command of Pamphilidas to meet this same Syrian fleet, and had raised the siege of Daedala and other fortified places belonging to Peraea which the king's troops were investing. Eudamus received instructions to sail again at once. The fleet which he had brought with him was augmented by six undecked ships, and with this force, by making all possible speed, he overtook the other at a harbour called Megiste. From there the combined fleets sailed on to Phaselis, which appeared to be the best position in which to await the enemy.